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By Olga Miseska Tomic

The booklet offers with a few syntactic and semantic features of the shared Balkan Sprachbund houses. In a complete introductory bankruptcy, Tomić bargains an summary of the Balkan Sprachbund houses. Sobolev, exhibiting the areal distribution of sixty five houses, argues for dialect cartography. Friedman, at the instance of the evidentials, argues for typologically trained areal clarification of the Balkan homes. the opposite contributions study particular phenomena: polidefinite DPs in Greek and Aromanian (Campos and Stavrou), Balkan structures within which datives mix with impersonal clitics or non-active morphology (Rivero), Balkan optatives (Ammann and Auwera), significant strength within the Balkan languages (Isac and Jakab), clitic placement in Greek imperatives (Bošković), targeted materials in Romanian and Bulgarian (Hill), artificial and analytic tenses in Romanian (D'Hulst, Coene and Avram), "purpose-like" amendment in a couple of Balkan languages (Bužarovska), Balkan modal existential “wh”-constructions (Grosu), baby and grownup thoughts in analyzing empty matters in Serbian/Croatian (Stojanović and Marelj), conditional sentences in Judeo-Spanish (Montoliu and Auwera).

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Additional info for Balkan Syntax and Semantics (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today)

Example text

Pres sutra. tomorrow b. On ´ce to uraditi sutra. inf tomorrow c. Uradi´ce to sutra. 39 (2490-2563) The Balkan Sprachbund properties In Romanian the standard future tense is, as a rule, constructed with finite modal clitics plus short (suffixless) infinitives. 51 Examples of a future tense with an infinitive and a future tense with a subjunctive construction are given in (63a) and (63b), respectively: Ro Ion va pleca mâine. ’ b. Ion o s˘a-i cear˘a ma¸sina. ’ (64) a. cl ved mãne. pres tomorrow. ’ Al b.

The border between subjunctive constructions functioning as adjectival or adverbial modifiers is actually very weak. 35 (2227-2316) The Balkan Sprachbund properties (59) a. mark mi gleda decata. ’ b. subj engleze¸ste. ’ c. cl veaglj˘a di soare. subj from sun. ’ d. aor at end a dress which/what s-mi ariseascã. cl ˇcueme vestite. ’ Bu b. pres ˇce si otivam. ’ Ro c. mod s˘a-l angaj˘am. ’ MG d. Irtha ja na se voithiso. ’ (60) a. 36 (2316-2381) Olga Mišeska Tomi´c Nevertheless, the relativizer and the preposition can be left out, and in some languages do not occur at all, and then the clause is open to ambiguities.

C. l-part before some other action vo minatoto. ’ (74) a. In (74a) we have a reported event; in (74b) a circumstantial deduction; in (74c) the evidential form expressed by the l-participle izvršile is used in a definition. Further, the Macedonian evidential forms can express surprise, admiration, amazement or irony. Very often, with appropriate intonation, the same sentence can have all of these meanings: (75) Ama ti si bil junak! l-part hero 1. ’ (admiration) 2. ’ (surprise) 3. l-part early and am (ti) se dala na rabota.

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