By Elisa P. Reis, Mick Moore
Drawing on case reviews from a number of constructing international locations, the participants to this quantity realize significant variations in how nationwide elites comprehend and characterize poverty. The vintage threats that caused elites in overdue nineteenth century Europe, similar to the terror of crime, epidemics, army weak spot or political unrest--do no longer function prominently within the cognizance of so much constructing kingdom elites. Nor do such a lot of them think that there's a workable strategy to poverty via public motion. The findings aid to provide an explanation for the relative ineffectiveness of poverty relief innovations to this point, and illustrate the necessity to current poverty in ways in which tie in with how nationwide elites comprehend their world.
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Additional resources for Elite Perceptions of Poverty and Inequality
Kozyreva and E. G. Sarovskii (2002) ‘Interviewing Political Elites: Lessons from Russia’, PS, December, pp. 683–8 Ross, M. L. ’, in K. Ballantine and J. Sherman (eds), The Political Economy of Armed Conﬂict: Beyond Greed and Grievance, New York: International Peace Academy Sala-I-Martin, X. and A. Subramanian (2003) ‘Addressing the Natural Resource Curse: An Illustration from Nigeria’, Working Paper no. WP/03/139, Washington, DC: IMF Sidel, J. T. (1999), Capital, Coercion, and Crime. Bossism in the Philippines, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press 24 Skocpol, T.
The inequality of Brazilian society can be illustrated by reference to common standard measures. 6 throughout the second half of the twentieth century. When we look at the extremes of distribution, the picture becomes even more dramatic. Taking into consideration only the 1990s, we observe that the top 1 per cent collected 13 to 15 per cent of the country’s income, while the top 10 per cent obtained between 45 and 49 per cent. ). How can we explain acute, persistent and pervasive inequality? One could resort to the secular monopoly that the elite holds over all kinds of resources, political, economic and social.
These three ‘colonial pillars’ are assumed to underpin poverty and inequality in Brazil. It is striking that people seldom question how this legacy has persisted for so long, and why. While we have made many more or less successful attempts to explain social changes in Brazil, little effort has been dedicated to investigating why and how inequality has been so persistent. No one would deny the importance of the colonial cultural and institutional legacy. Important research has called our attention to the patrimonial political structures inherited from Portugal (Faoro 1958; Schwartzman 1977, 1982; Schmitter 1971), and to the corporatist (and conservative) values shaping the nation’s culture (Morse 1988; Wiarda 1981; Stepan 30 31 Brazilian elites 1978).