By Paul Cloke, Jon May, Sarah Johnsen
Using leading edge ethnographic examine, Swept Up Lives? demanding situations traditional debts of city homelessness to track the complicated and sundry makes an attempt to take care of homeless humans provides cutting edge ethnographic learn which implies a big shift in standpoint within the research and figuring out of city homelessnessEmphasizes the moral and emotional geographies of care embodied and played inside of homeless prone spacesSuggests that assorted homelessness ‘scenes’ advance in other places because of assorted ancient, political, and cultural responses to the issues confronted
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Additional info for Swept Up Lives: Re-envisioning the Homeless City (RGS-IBG Book Series)
As the 1990s wore on the government’s position towards street homeless people grew more hostile. In May 1994, for example, John Major launched a stinging verbal attack on Britain’s ‘homeless’ beggars, and in September of the same year the then Secretary to the Treasury Peter Lilley called for the suspension of benefit payments to people selling the street newspaper the Big Issue. Significantly, however, the right-wing tabloid press notwithstanding (Daily Express, 1994; Daily Mail, 1994), as the government sought to further demonize homeless people by conflating the problems of homelessness with street crime and begging, public opinion increasingly turned against the government (Guardian, 1994; Observer, 1994).
In chapter 3, we focus on homeless people’s own accounts of the homeless city to demonstrate the importance of emotion and affect in the lives of homeless people and to trace the deposits of such emotions and affects on and in the homeless city. By drawing attention to the creative deployment of managing impressions, the performance of particular discursive roles and the pre-discursive and emotional aspects of homeless people’s lives, we aim to restore to homeless people not only a stronger sense of agency but also a crucial sense of humanity so often missing in accounts of urban homelessness.
We remain wedded to Ling’s framework (if not his terminology), however, because we are more convinced by his account of the substance of recent changes than we are by the more limited changes described in these other accounts. At the risk of generating confusion, we have therefore retained Ling’s terminology, while analysing the changes he describes through a governmentality perspective: that is, noting the key differences in the basic rationale and practices of state welfare provision, and in the subjectivities such changes give rise to, in the different periods he identifies.