By Cecilia Poletto
This paintings investigates the syntax of the better element of the sensible constitution of the clause utilizing comparative facts from hundreds and hundreds of Northern Italian dialects. the realm includes dialects which are varied in such a lot methods but homogenous syntactically, making it a terrific floor for reading micro-variations in syntax. The ebook sheds new mild on debated difficulties equivalent to subject-clitic inversion, verb circulate and topic positions, and the constitution of the better practical words.
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Extra info for The Higher Functional Field: Evidence from Northern Italian Dialects (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax)
We could ask how scat- 40 The Higher Functional Field tering takes place and whether there are any subsets of features that remain inside a single projection while others are scattered. An apparent exception to condition (67) is the fact that number and gender features are collapsed onto a single projection, whereas the deictic feature is projected higher on a distinct FP. I have not found any data that lead in the direction of splitting number and gender into two distinct projections. This is not the case for person, which is probably realized in two positions, one for the hearer feature and one for the speaker feature.
The examples in (46) are given in the Venetian variety, but I have not found dialects in which a sentence corresponding to (46) is accepted. This confirms the proposed hypothesis. Type 1 and type 2 coordination cannot be exploited for investigating whether there are any additional differences within the group of postnegative SCLs, as all clitics of this group must be repeated in such structures. However, we can exploit type 3 coordination. Let us repeat the type of coordination we are considering: (47) Leggo e rileggo sempre lo stesso libro.
The second issue for which I intend to provide a solution is the position of the inflected verb. Specifically, I intend to answer this question: as SCLs occupy the projections corresponding to AgrS, does the inflected verb remain in T° or is there an additional position that hosts it? Preverbal Subject Clitics in Declarative Contexts 31 It is possible to show that the T° position is not where the inflected verb occurs in the NIDs by examining the position of temporal adverbials. Cinque (1999) shows that temporal adverbs are located in SpecT position and that the inflected verb in standard Italian moves higher than temporal adverbs.