By Emma Helen Blair
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Additional resources for The Philippine Islands 1493-1898 Volume XLIII
Although Stalin gave a tentative green light in April 1950 for a conventional move across the 38th parallel, it surely remained contingent on a variety of factors, both in Korea or elsewhere. S. S. responses as desirable. S. moves might include stepped-up aid to the beleaguered anti-Communist forces in Indochina and the Philippines and even a bolstered presence in Japan, which might be countered by a newly militant Communist Party there as well as through the psychological impact of the fall of nearby Korea.
Its interests had been compromised over the previous three years as a result of the belligerent nature of its foreign policy. S. Congress of an arms aid bill for western Europe should have told the Kremlin that the appropriate course was to avoid any action that would further provoke a concerted effort by the United States and its allies. In addressing the imponderables of Soviet involvement in Korea, it is essential to grasp the context of decision making in Moscow in 1950. Joseph Stalin held the power of decision, both on foreign and domestic matters, but he remained a highly suspicious man, ever wary of the designs of those around him.
Because the Korean Communists had followed the Soviets in supporting trusteeship, and because all moderate and right-wing groups opposed that approach, the Soviet plan would eliminate from consultation all parties free of its influence. The United States rejected this scheme and, with non-Communist leaders organizing a mass campaign against trusteeship, the Americans even hedged on the feasibility of the idea itself. In early May the deadlocked commission adjourned. 45 Meanwhile, Korean politics became increasingly polarized.