Download Vowel quantity and the fortis-lenis distinction in North Low by Maike Prehn PDF

By Maike Prehn

The objective of this phonological research is to set up even if the first prosodic characteristic in Low German dialects is tone, volume, or whatever else totally. All in all, we discover that Low German employs a mix of vowel caliber and vowel volume, which contains practical load. it's a binary phonological approach accounting for the ternary vowel period present in Low German. I indicate a very important contrast among fortis vs. lenis consonants via laryngeal specification vs. underspecification and, accordingly, structural complexity of the segments. it really is this complexity competition within the coda consonants, which has a profound effect at the vowel length of a previous nucleus. We arrive at a phonological floor competition of monomoraic vs. bimoraic and lax vs. demanding within the vowel approach, and of laryngeally targeted vs. unspecified within the consonant approach. Underlyingly, no volume distinction exists in Low German, all vowels being easily monomoraic. What continues to be is caliber. With the information and analyses provided during this thesis, Low German falls within the classification of languages that includes 3 phonetic levels of vowel size that may be traced again to a binary distinction on the floor point. No ternary volume process is needed.

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Extra info for Vowel quantity and the fortis-lenis distinction in North Low Saxon

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Describes briefly the occurrence of overlong vowels in his glossary and grammar of the dialect of Dithmarschen (the area in the vicinity of No. 21 of Figure 5). They developed synchronically due to the reduction of the number of syllables in the course of apocope or syncope, if the coda of the stem was not fortis. The stem vowel was compensatorily lengthened only if it was already long. If the stem vowel was short, the succeeding lenis consonant received overlength (Jørgensen 1934:54). 2. ’ < MLG kan vs.

CHAPTER 2. THEORETICAL BASIS 27 [tense], [long], [grave], [diffuse], and [flat]. Interestingly, Bellamy notes in his distinctive feature charts that the short lax vowels are left unspecified with respect to the length feature, the long tense vowels are [-long], and only the overlong tense vowels are [+long] (Bellamy 1968:116). The result is a ternary quantity distribution. This analysis is basically the first approach out of three possible analyses Bellamy suggests. It results in a total of 27 vowel phonemes (including diphthongs), and is preferred over the other two approaches in order to avoid the leap “into generative phonology as applied to dialectology and to avoid recourse to morphological criteria in an otherwise strictly phonological analysis” (Bellamy 1968:103).

Bremer 1929:1). )#! 56*07*88%0"9 28 20 CHAPTER 2. THEORETICAL BASIS deletion, bear a single H on the nuclear vowel. Bremer provides examples for the dragging tone but does not distinguish between lexical tone and sentence intonation based tones. He also does not mention the sentence context of the given words. Bremer essentially finds that not only overlong Vs and diphthongs are able to bear the dragging tone, but also short Vs plus nasals or the liquid /l/. 29 The combination of long V or diphthong plus /l/ also results in a dragging tone if apocope occurs, while a sequence of long V or diphthong plus nasal does not.

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